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Antislavery Poetry from San Francisco

Running man image from workshop poster

The Pacific Appeal was the leading African American newspaper on the West Coast during the early 1860s.  A newly-published set of eight antislavery poems from the journal's inaugural 1862 volume captures the sense of expectancy within the African American community for the imminent end of US slavery.  These poems include the work of James Madison Bell, a San Francisco plasterer, brickmason, and poet.  Read more... 
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The Natick Resolution, or, Resistance to slaveholders the right and duty of southern slaves and northern freemen (XHTML)

A militant antislavery tract calling for violent overthrow of slavery, published by Henry Clarke Wright in Boston in 1859. Digitized by the Antislavery Literature Project.

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  <p class="MsoBodyText">The Natick Resolution, or, Resistance to slaveholders the
    right and duty of southern slaves and northern freemen</p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><b><span style='font-size:14.0pt;color:black'>Henry Clarke
    Wright</span></b><a href="#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" title="" id="_ftnref1"><span
class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style='color:black'><span
class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style='font-size:12.0pt;font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;;
color:black'>[1]</span></span></span></span></a></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;text-autospace:none'><b><span
style='font-size:10.0pt'>This is an annotated text of <i>The Natick Resolution</i>,
    published by its author in Boston in 1859.  Original spelling, punctuation and
    page citations have been retained; minor typographic errors have been
    corrected.</span></b></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;text-autospace:none'><b><span
style='font-size:10.0pt'>This electronic edition has been prepared for the
    Antislavery Literature Project, Arizona State University, a public education
    project working in cooperation with the EServer, Iowa State University.   Digitization has been supported by a grant from the Institute for Humanities
    Research, Arizona State University.</span></b></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><b><span style='font-size:10.0pt'>Editorial annotation by
    Joe Lockard.  Digitization by April Brannon.  All rights reserved by the Antislavery
    Literature Project.  Permission for non-commercial educational use is granted.</span></b><br clear="all" style='page-break-before:always' />
  </p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>[page 1]</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='color:black'>________________</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><b><span style='font-size:14.0pt;color:black'>LETTER TO
    JOHN BROWN.</span></b></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><b><span style='font-size:14.0pt;color:black'>TWO LETTERS
    TO GOVERNOR WISE.</span></b></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><b><span style='font-size:14.0pt;color:black'>LETTER TO
    THE RICHMOND ENQUIRER.</span></b></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><b><span style='font-size:14.0pt;color:black'>LETTER TO
    CAPT. AVIS.</span></b></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><b><span style='font-size:14.0pt;color:black'>LETTER TO
    HENRY WILSON. </span></b></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center'><b><span
style='font-size:14.0pt;color:black'>LETTER TO WM. LLOYD GARRISON.</span></b></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center'><b><span
style='font-size:14.0pt;color:black'>__________________</span></b></p>
  <br
clear="all" style='page-break-before:always' />
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>[unnumbered page 2]</span></p>
  <br
clear="all" style='page-break-before:always' />
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>[page 3]</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='font-size:14.0pt;color:black'>THE NATICK RESOLUTION.</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='font-size:14.0pt;color:black'>LETTER TO JOHN
    BROWN.</span></p>
  <p align="right" style='text-align:right;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='color:black;text-transform:uppercase'>Natick</span><span
 style='color:black;text-transform:uppercase'>, </span><span style='color:black'>Mass.</span><span
style='color:black'>, Nov. 21st, 1859. </span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black;text-transform:uppercase'>Capt. John Brown</span><span
style='color:black'>:</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black;text-transform:uppercase'>     Dear and Honored Friend</span><span
style='color:black'>—(for the friend of the slave is my dear and honored
    friend)—A very large, and en­thusiastic meeting of the citizens of this town,
    without re­gard to political or religious creeds, was held last evening, for
    the purpose of considering and acting upon the following resolution:—</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'> Whereas, Resistance to tyrants is obedience to God;
    therefore, </span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:
none'><i><span style='color:black'>Resolved, </span></i><span style='color:
black'>That it is the right and duty of the slaves to resist their masters, and
    the right and duty of the people of the North to incite them to resistance, and
    to aid them in it.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>   This resolution was adopted by the meeting without a
    dissenting voice. Though a United States Senator (Henry Wilson) and a United
    States Postmaster were present, yet not a voice was raised against it by them,
    nor by any one else, nor against the sentiments it contains. The meeting
    appointed me a committee to forward their resolution to you. In compliance with
    their request, and with the promptings of my own heart, I forward it.</span></p>
  <p><span style='color:black'>     The resolution, as you will
    see, simply affirms the right and duty of resistance, not merely to slavery as
    a principle or an abstraction, but to slaveholders, the living embodiment of
    slavery. The South embody slavery and resistance to</span></p>
  <br
clear="all" style='page-break-before:always' />
  <p><span style='color:black'>[page 4]</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center'><span
style='font-size:14.0pt;color:black'>THE NATICK RESOLUTION</span></p>
  <p><span style='color:black'>liberty in their whole life. We
    would arouse the North to embody liberty and resistance to slavery in their
    whole life. Wherever the people of the south live, whether in domestic, social,
    ecclesiastical, political or commercial life, they embody <i>death to liberty</i>.
    We would stir up the people of the North to embody <i>death to slavery</i> wherever they live. In whatever relations they live, we would incite them to
    embody liberty as the South does slavery. <i>Death to slavery</i> should, and
    will, ere long, be the watchword of every domestic and social circle, of every
    political and religious party, and of every literary and commercial
    establishment, in the North.</span></p>
  <p><span style='color:black'>     The blessings of the God of
    the oppressed rest upon you! This is the prayer of thousands who have known you
    for years, and entirely sympathize with you in one great object of your life — <i>i.
    e.</i>, to arouse this nation to look the sin, the shame of slavery in the
    face. We have felt the deepest interest in your plans and movements, as we have
    known watched them the last four years; and we have wondered that those who
    hold to armed resistance to tyrants have not more cheerfully and numerously
    gathered around your standard of insurrection against slaveholders.</span></p>
  <p><span style='color:black'>     The government and God of
    this nation daily and hourly proclaim to the people of the North, and to the
    slaves of the South, their right and duty of armed resistance to slaveholders.
    You hastened to obey that call to duty made by your country and your God.
    Virginia herself called you to resist slaveholders, and to free the slaves, by
    arms and blood, if need be. Why should Virginia hang you? You have only done
    what she has exhorted you to do from the day of your birth. Why should the
    North call you a &quot;fanatic,</span><span style='color:black'>&quot; a &quot;maniac,&quot;
    a &quot;ruffian,&quot; a &quot;marauder,&quot; a &quot;murderer,&quot; an &quot;assassin&quot;?
    You have only done what the religion, the government and God of the nation, for
    seventy years, proclaimed to be your right and your duty.</span></p>
  <p><span style='color:black'>     Twelve days hence, Virginia
    will hang your body, but she will not hang John Brown. Better to die a traitor
    to Virginia, than to live a traitor to yourself and your God. This nation of
    twenty-five million will kill your body for treason against them; but had you
    not done as you have, you would have died a living death for treason against
    God, as he spoke<br clear="all" style='page-break-before:always' />
    [page 5]</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='font-size:14.0pt;color:black'>LETTER TO JOHN
    BROWN.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>to you in the depths of your own soul. Acting in obedience
    to the dictates of your conscience and the behests of your God, you have
    rendered yourself worthy the honor and glory of a gallows at the hands of
    slaveholders, who live, not merely as pirates do, to plunder and kill, but for
    a purpose far more cruel and inhuman — <i>i. e., </i>to turn human beings into
    chattels.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>     Who would not thus render himself deserving a gallows
    at such hands? The highest honor Virginia or the Union can bestow on the
    champion of liberty, and the living resist­ant of slavery, is a gallows. From
    this day, let the friends of the slave march forth to battle with slavery,
    whether the conflict be on the domestic, social, religious, political or
    military arena, under the symbol of the gallows, with the martyr and champion
    of liberty hanging on it.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>     You must die, as to your corporeal existence. Your
    visi­ble, tangible presence will no more inspire and urge us on­to the
    conflict; but John Brown, the <span style='text-transform:uppercase'>man, </span>the
    defender of liberty, the assailant of slavery, and the friend of the slave,
    will live and be with us, to inspire us, to incite us, to spur us up and lead
    us on to a still closer and more resolute and deadly assault upon slaveholding.
    You die, conscious that by the gallows you have triumphed, and answered the one
    great end of your life more effectually than you would have done had you run
    off thousands of slaves. You triumph by the gallows, not by running off slaves.
    The nation is aroused. It must now meet slavery face to face, and see it in its
    deformity and its results. In every department of life, it must meet it and
    fight it, till it dies, and liberty is &quot;proclaimed throughout all the
    land, to all the inhabitants thereof.&quot;</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>     You dear friend, whose memory will ever be precious,
    as that of the slaveholder will ever be detested, have kept your anti-slavery
    faith; you have fought a good fight, and may say, &quot;Henceforth there is
    laid up for me a crown of glory, which the Lord, the righteous Judge, will give
    me in the day when the last slave shall be free. Now, Lord, lettest thou thy
    servant depart in peace, for mine eyes have seen thy salvation.&quot; Millions
    will follow thee, weeping, to the gallows. In pitying accents I hear thee say
    to them, &quot;Friends of the slave! weep not for me, but weep for yourselves
    and your country; for in this conflict with slavery, there, is not an</span></p>
  <br
clear="all" style='page-break-before:always' />
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>[page 6]</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='font-size:14.0pt;color:black'>THE NATICK
    RESOLUTION.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>attribute of the Almighty that can take sides, with the op­pressor.&quot;
    Your execution is but the beginning of that death struggle with slaveholders,
    which must end in striking the last fetter from the last slave. On the
    scaffold, thou wilt hear thy God, and the slave’s God, saying unto thee,
    &quot;Fear not, for I am with thee; be not dismayed, for I am thy God; I have
    chosen thee; thou art my servant; I will strengthen thee; I will help thee;
    yea, I will uphold thee with the right hand of my righteousness. All they that
    were incensed against thee shall be ashamed and confounded; they shall be as
    nothing; they that strive with thee shall perish; the [anti-slavery] whirlwind
    shall scatter them.&quot; My spirit is with thy spirit, in the dungeon and on
    the scaffold.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>     Thine, for the slave, and against the slaveholder,
    unto death,</span></p>
  <p align="right" style='text-align:right;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='color:black'>HENRY C. WRIGHT.</span></p>
  <p style='background:
white;text-autospace:none'><span style='color:black;text-transform:uppercase'>_____________</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black;text-transform:uppercase'>The </span><span style='color:
black'>above letter to John Brown, with the resolution passed at Natick,
    November 20th, 1859, was forwarded to Gov. Wise, of Virginia, accompanied with
    the following note, re­questing him to deliver it to Capt. Brown, then in
    prison, awaiting his execution:—</span></p>
  <p align="right" style='text-align:right;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='color:black;text-transform:uppercase'>Natick, </span><span style='color:black'>Mass., Nov. 21st, 1859.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black;text-transform:uppercase'>Henry </span><span
style='color:black'>A. <span style='text-transform:uppercase'>Wise, </span>Governor
    of Virginia:</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black;text-transform:uppercase'>     Sir,</span><span
style='color:black'>—Enclosed is a resolution adopted by the people of Natick,
    Mass., the residence of the Hon. Henry Wilson. At their request, I forward it
    to John Brown, with a letter to him. The resolution and letter may give peace
    and satis­faction to him in his last hours. However repulsive the sentiments
    may be to you, and to the people over whom you preside, they may sustain him on
    the scaffold. The appeal is to your magnanimity and justice to put them into
    his hands.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:
none'><span style='color:black'>You think he has done foolishly and wickedly.
    We think his object has been noble, and his motives disinterested,</span></p>
  <br
clear="all" style='page-break-before:always' />
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>[page 7]</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='font-size:14.0pt;color:black'>LETTER TO CAPT.
    AVIS.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>heroic and sublime. We ask not his life, but we do ask that
    you would let him know that he lives, and ever will live, in the hearts of his
    long-tried personal friends, and of the friends of freedom and the enemies of
    slaveholding through out the North.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>     Grant to us and to him this favor, and our sincere
    thanks shall be yours, though our hearts must ever protest against the
    injustice and political insanity that, for an effort so truly humane, grand and
    heroic, shall consign his body to the gallows.</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='color:black'>Thine,</span></p>
  <p align="right" style='text-align:right;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='color:black'>HENRY C. WRIGHT.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>                                                            _______________</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>     A <span style='text-transform:uppercase'>copy </span>of
    the letter to Brown, with the resolution passed at Natick, November 20th, 1859,
    was also sent to Capt. Avis, keeper of the jail in which Brown was confined,
    await­ing execution, with the following note: —</span></p>
  <p align="right" style='text-align:right;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='color:black;text-transform:uppercase'>Natick, </span><span style='color:black'>Mass., Nov. 21st, 1859.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black;text-transform:uppercase'>Captain </span><span
style='color:black'>Avis:</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>     SIR — Pardon this intrusion by an utter stranger. God
    bless you for your kindness to John Brown in these, his last hours!</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>     If consistent with your feelings as a man, and your
    duties as a jailor, you would oblige me by presenting the enclosed to him for
    his perusal. It is a resolution adopted by the citizens of Natick, Mass., as
    expressive of their views on a subject now assuming paramount importance
    throughout the North. Though the sentiments of the resolution and of the
    accompanying letter may be repugnant to you, it can do no harm to allow your
    prisoner to read them, that he may stand on the scaffold knowing that he is
    fully understood and ap­preciated by those who have known and sympathized with
    his plans and movements the past few years, and that, through his death, he
    will serve the cause he so much loves more effectually, it may be, than he
    could have done by his life.</span></p>
  <br
clear="all" style='page-break-before:always' />
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>[page 8]</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='font-size:14.0pt;color:black'>THE NATICK
    RESOLUTION.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>     God bless the single-hearted, grand and kingly man! He
    seems to us as one clothed with light and majesty as with a garment. Could he
    but be spared, there are thousands who would cheerfully take his place, and
    welcome the gal­lows in his stead. But he must die, as to corporeal existance,
    and in his death will consist his greatest triumph.</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='color:black'>Thine,</span></p>
  <p align="right" style='text-align:right;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='color:black'>HENRY C. WRIGHT.</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='font-size:14.0pt;color:black'>_____________</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='font-size:14.0pt;color:black'>LETTER TO THE
    RICHMOND ENQUIRER.</span></p>
  <p align="right" style='text-align:right;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='color:black;text-transform:uppercase'>Natick, </span><span style='color:black'>Mass., Nov. 21st, 1859.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>To <span style='text-transform:uppercase'>the Editor of the
    Richmond Enquirer</span>: —</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black;text-transform:uppercase'>     Sir,—</span><span
style='color:black'>A large and enthusiastic meeting of the citizens of this
    town (the residence of Hon. Henry Wilson) was held last evening, called to
    consider the following resolution:—</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>      &quot;Whereas, Resistance to tyrants is obedience to
    God; there­fore,</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><i><span
style='color:black'>     </span></i><span style='color:black'>&quot;<i>Resolved, </i>That it is the right and duty of the slaves to re­sist their masters; and
    it is the right and duty of the people of the North to incite slaves to
    resistance, and to aid them in it.&quot;</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>     This was adopted; and though a United States Senator
    (Hon. Henry Wilson) and a United States Postmaster were present, not a
    dissentient voice was raised against it.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>     The resolution utters the thought of Massachusetts, of
    New England, and of New York. I have reason to know it does.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><i><span
style='color:black'>     Insurrection, </span></i><span style='color:black'>—
    resistance on the part of the slaves and of the North against slaveholders, —
    is the one idea of the peo­ple. That insurrection is the right and duty of
    slaves, is the one controlling thought of the masses here. Though</span></p>
  <br
clear="all" style='page-break-before:always' />
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>[page 9]</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='font-size:14.0pt;color:black'>LETTER TO THE
    RICHMOND ENQUIRER.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>our Senators and Representatives in Congress dare not avow
    this as their opinion in Washington, at home, among their constituents, they
    countenance and sustain it by direct ad­vocacy, or by silence. The North has
    reason to expect it of them, the coming session, that they will openly advocate
    the doctrine and practice of insurrection and resistance, as the right and duty
    of the slaves of the South and of the people of the non-slave States. We have
    much reason to hope that, come what may, they will do it.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>     It was asserted in the above meeting, that John Brown,
    at Harper’s Ferry, had truly embodied the general idea of the North, and had
    done no more than his simple duty to himself, to the slave, to the slaveholder,
    to his country, and his God. There are thousands among those who have known his
    plans and movements the past four or five years, and have sympathized with him,
    and who have known of his call, <i>as he believes, </i>from God to do a deed
    that would arouse the South and the nation to consider the sin and danger of
    slavery, and who have known also of his unfaltering determination to do that
    deed, and strike that blow, who would now cheerfully take his place in the
    dungeon and welcome the gallows in his stead, if thereby he might be spared to
    lead on the mustering sons of liberty to free the slaves, and crush the power
    of those who live by whipping and selling women, and by &quot;trafficking in
    slaves, and the souls of men.&quot;</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>     The sin of this nation, as it was asserted in that
    meeting, is to be taken away, not by Christ, but by John Brown. Christ, as
    represented by those who are called by his name, has proved a dead failure, as
    a power to free the slaves. John Brown is and will be a power far more
    efficient. The nation is to be saved, not by the blood of Christ, (as that is
    now administered,) but by the blood of John Brown, which, as administered by
    Abolitionists, will prove the &quot;power of God and the wisdom of God&quot; to
    resist slaveholders, and bring them to repentance. John Brown and him hung will
    do that for the slaves and for those who enslave them which Christ and Him
    crucified has never been made to do. The blood of Christ, as dispensed by the
    American Church and clergy, has been the most nutritious aliment of American
    slavery, and has been made to add only to its growth, and</span></p>
  <br
clear="all" style='page-break-before:always' />
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>[page 10]</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='font-size:14.0pt;color:black'>THE NATICK,
    RESOLUTION.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>power; but the blood of Brown, as it will be dispensed by
    the friends of justice and humanity, will be its certain death, while it will
    add energetic life and resistless power to liberty.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>     Redemption is to come to the slave and his oppressors,
    not by the Cross of Christ, as it is preached among us, but by the gallows of
    Brown. The Cross of Christ — as borne aloft before this nation — has been and
    now is a bulwark of defence, a tower of strength, a munition of rocks, — <span
style='text-transform:uppercase'>the Gibraltar </span>of American slaveholders;
    the Gallows of Brown, as it will be borne aloft in front of the hosts of free­dom
    — the true army of the living God against slavery — does and will strike terror
    to their hearts, and consternation into the ranks of slave-breeders and
    slave-traders, drive them from their strongholds, and make them a hissing and
    byword to all lands.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>     Henceforth, the slaves and their friends in the North
    will know nothing but John Brown and him hung; and they have only to shriek his
    name through the midnight chambers of repose of the merciless, but shivering,
    cowering, slave-drivers, to carry dismay to their guilty hearts. Slaveholders,
    and. their allies and abettors, have known and will continue to know, nothing
    but Christ and him crucified, as they have learned Him from their slaveholding
    priests and churches; and they have raised and will continue to raise Him from
    the sepulcher of the dead past, only to sanctify &quot;the sum of all villany,&quot;
    as embodied in themselves. John Brown and him hanged will be the inspiration
    and slogan of the aroused slaves and their friends, till the four millions, now
    held and used as chattels, bought and sold, and herded to­gether in concubinage
    as brutes, punished with death for every attempt to raise themselves to the
    condition of men and women, and compelled to feel after God and immor­tality
    amid beasts and creeping things, shall be regenerated and redeemed.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>     This may seem to you <i>madness. </i>It is so, as
    viewed from the slaveholding stand-point. But, it is the madness of the Good
    Samaritan and of Paul; it is the madness of Jesus Christ; the madness of one
    who sees and worships God in the <i>living, </i>rather than in the <i>dead; </i>in
    the living slave, rather than in a dead Jesus; in a living, rather than in a
    dead Christ. It is the madness of one who, on the public</span></p>
  <br
clear="all" style='page-break-before:always' />
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>[page 11]</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='font-size:14.0pt;color:black'>LETTER TO GOV.
    WISE.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>arena of life, by word and by deed, has sought to incite
    the slaves and the entire nation to a living, practical resistance to slaveholders,
    in every department of life, and who has taught the people of the North, for
    twenty-five years, that the purest, sublimest, and most acceptable worship they
    could render to the God of Justice and Liberty is — <span style='text-transform:
uppercase'>&quot;to</span></span><span style='text-transform:uppercase'> break
    every yoke, and let the oppressed go free.<span style='color:black'>&quot;</span></span></p>
  <p align="right" style='text-align:right;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='color:black'>HENRY C. WRIGHT.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>                                                            _____________</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='font-size:14.0pt;color:black'>LETTER TO HENRY
    A. WISE,</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='color:black;text-transform:uppercase'>Written
    on the day in which he killed john brown for seeking to give freedom to slaves.</span></p>
  <p align="right" style='text-align:right;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='color:black;text-transform:uppercase'>Boston, </span><span style='color:black'>Friday, Dec. 2d, 1859.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>To <span style='text-transform:uppercase'>Henry </span>A. <span
style='text-transform:uppercase'>Wise, </span>Governor of Virginia:</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black;text-transform:uppercase'>     Sir,</span><span
style='color:black'>—This is the day and this the hour in which John Brown is
    being hanged by you. His dead body is now hanging on a gallows, and the eyes of
    twenty-five millions of this nation are fixed upon it. You erected that
    gallows, you dragged him to it, you tied that rope around his neck, you bound
    his hands and his feet, you drew that cap over his eyes, and having thus
    rendered him blind and helpless, you broke his neck.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>     At fifteen minutes past eleven o’clock, A. M., this
    day, you murdered John Brown! The entire nation saw you do it, and is a witness
    against you. Yourself, Virginia, and the nation, at this hour, adjudge you a
    murderer.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>     Why did you hang him? This is the one thought of the
    nation. You must answer it. How? You yourself have pronounced him one of &quot;the
    truest, bravest, most sincere and noble&quot; men you ever saw. You and your
    accomplices in this deed of blood assure us that the nation contained not a
    more &quot;sincere, honest, heroic and conscientious man.&quot; Why, then, did
    you kill him?</span></p>
  <br
clear="all" style='page-break-before:always' />
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>[page 12]</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='font-size:14.0pt;color:black'>THE NATICK
    RESOLUTION.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>     Had he made an effort to rescue you, your wife and
    daugh­ters, your mother and sisters from slavery and from the ven­geance, the
    wrath, the rape and rapine of your slaves, would you have hung him? No. But he
    sought to rescue slaves from the wrath, rape and rapine of yourself and your
    fellow slave-breeders and slave-traders, and you killed him. Had he done for
    you and them the very deeds for which you have hung him, you and they would
    have pronounced him innocent, and crowned him with glory.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>     Your slaves have as good a right to enslave you, as
    you have to enslave them. They have as good a right to scourge your naked back,
    to drive you to unpaid toil, to sell you as a beast, to shoot you and tear you
    to pieces with bloodhounds, if you run away, as you have to do these things to
    them. They have as good a right to subject your wife and daugh­ters, and your
    mother and sisters, to their passions, as you have to subject theirs to yours.
    They have as good a right to perpetrate robbery, murder, rape and rapine upon
    you and your confederates in slave-breeding and slave-trading, and upon your
    wives and children, as you have to perpetrate like outrages upon them. They
    have as good a right to defend themselves and families against you and your
    associates in plunder and rapine, as you have to defend your-selves against
    them. You and your co-workers in crime call on the North to come down and
    defend you and your families against your slaves. They come and defend you, and
    you thank them. The slaves call on John Brown to come down and deliver them and
    their families from your lusts and your cruelties, and defend their property,
    their liberties and lives against you. You say it is the duty of the North to
    defend you against the slaves. John Brown and his God told him it was his duty
    to defend the slaves against you. He came to Virginia to do so, and for doing
    his duty, you have hung him. Are you not a <i>murderer?</i></span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>     What says Virginia of your deed? The slaves and all
    the world look on the seal with which, as Governor of the State, you stamp your
    letters and all public documents. What do they see? <span style='text-transform:
uppercase'>Virginia, </span>standing with one foot on the neck of a prostrate <span
style='text-transform:uppercase'>slaveholder, </span>whose head she has just
    cut off, and holding in her right hand the sword with which she did the deed,
    all reeking with his blood. Proud and</span></p>
  <br
clear="all" style='page-break-before:always' />
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>[page 13]</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='font-size:14.0pt;color:black'>LETTER TO GOV.
    WISE.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>exultant she stands, and in the consciousness of having
    done a meritorious deed, by ridding the world of a monster and Humanity of its
    most malignant foe, she challenges the homage of all for what she has done, and
    in her pride of victory exclaims: — <i>Sic semper tyrannis</i>—&quot;Thus
    always deal with slaveholders&quot; — <i>i e.</i>, cut their heads off.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>     Thus Virginia, the State over which you are so proud
    to preside, says to your slaves, and to all slaves in the State, and in the
    United States, and in all the world<span style='text-transform:uppercase'>— </span>&quot;<span
style='text-transform:uppercase'>Cut off your masters’ heads.&quot; </span>Not
    content with mere words, she <i>pictures </i>to them her own proud achievement,
    and calls on them to look at her in the very act of vanquishing her direst foe,
    and of beheading him; thus <i>inciting </i>them, by an appeal to the eye as
    well as to the ear, to resistance, to insurrection, and to blood.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>     In her Constitution, Virginia says to her slaves;
    &quot;You are born as free as are your masters, and have the same God-given
    right to your earnings, to yourselves, your wives, hus­bands, children and
    homes as they have.&quot; She is ever sound­ing in the ears of the slaves —
    &quot;Give me liberty or give me death!&quot; — &quot;Resistance to <i>slaveholders </i>is obedience to God. &quot; All the slaveholders and white men and women in
    Virginia are ever saying to the slaves, &quot;If you, or any others, were to do
    unto us as we are daily and hourly doing unto you, we would kill, slay and
    destroy you. If we were in your places, we would kill every man, woman and
    child that should attempt to prevent us from getting and maintaining our
    freedom.&quot; Thus your State appeals to the slaves, to <i>incite </i>them to
    a bloody insurrection.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>     You, sir, make this appeal to the slaves, and to the
    peo­ple of the North. You flaunt this most ferocious and blood­thirsty prayer
    in their faces every time you set your official seal to a commission, a
    warrant, a draft, a law, or any doc­ument: By this act, your prayer to the
    slave is, &quot;Arise! and cut off the heads of all slaveholders!&quot; — and
    you invoke the North to come and help them. John Brown heard your prayer, and
    the prayer of Virginia. In answer to it, he came to Harper’s Ferry. He there
    sought to rescue men and women from the condition of brutes and chattels, and
    to re­store to them their God-given and State-acknowledged rights. He did not
    aim to do the bloody deed to slaveholders which</span></p>
  <br
clear="all" style='page-break-before:always' />
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>[page 14]</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='font-size:14.0pt;color:black'>THE NATICK
    RESOLUTION.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>you and Virginia exhorted him to do — <i>i. e., </i><span
style='text-transform:uppercase'>behead tiiem</span>! No; he was kind to the
    tyrants, to his own injury. He simply sought to lead some slaves, imbruted by
    you and your copartners in crime, to a land of freedom. By your official seal
    and Constitution, and your historical reminis­cences, you invited John Brown to
    come to Harper’s Ferry and run off slaves and to kill all who should oppose
    him. You and Virginia, declared that it was the right and duty of the slaves to
    rise against their masters, and to gain their freedom by running away, or by
    beheading their oppressors; and you told him it was his right and duty to help
    them. John Brown came, with twenty-one assistants, to help him in a work which
    you and all Virginia acknowledge would have been a work of love, justice, and
    humanity, had it been done to free you from slavery. You mustered the State,
    called on the United States to hasten to your aid, surrounded the
    self-forgetting hero and his little band, and shot or hung them, deeming that
    you did a brave and heroic act! You mustered the State and nation to the
    defence of your property, your wives and children, your houses and lives,
    against twenty-one men, who had no thought of harm to you, but simply thought
    to give freedom to slaves. Such bravery must, one day, be appreciated. He was
    as innocent as were Washington, Lafayette, Frank­lin, Jefferson, Hancock, and
    Patrick Henry, and far more deserving the approval of mankind. You took him,
    bound him hand and foot, blindfolded him, and then broke his neck! Yourself and
    Virginia being witnesses, are you not a <span style='text-transform:uppercase'>murderer</span>?
    Verily, you have your reward!</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>     Why have you and Virginia hung John Brown? To de­fend
    your property, (your slaves,) your liberty and lives, against robbery and
    murder; and your wives and daughters, your mothers and sisters, against rape
    and rapine. And not being able to defend yourselves, you and Virginia called on
    the United States to come and help you. You do, then, hold that it is a right
    and duty to shoot and hang and behead people in defence of liberty, life and
    home?</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>     You, then, and Virginia, being witnesses, it is the
    right and duty of the slaves to defend their earnings, their liberty and lives,
    by arms and blood; and their wives and daugh­ters against the rapine of their
    masters. You and your fellow slave-breeders and slave-traders live by robbing</span></p>
  <br
clear="all" style='page-break-before:always' />
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:black'>[page 15]</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='font-size:14.0pt;color:#323232'>LETTER TO
    GOV. WISE.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>slaves of their labor, by invading their homes, and
    ravishing their wives, daughters and sisters, and plundering their nur­series
    and cradles; and by murdering them, if they attempt to defend themselves and
    their families. So, in the very act of hanging Brown to defend yourself, you
    justify him in doing the deed for which you hang him!</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     Slaves of the South! People of the North! Look at
    the commission of Judge Parker, who sentenced Brown to be hung; look at the
    commission of General Taliaferro, who heads the troops of Virginia and of the
    United States, now surrounding the gallows on which hangs his murdered body;
    open the commission of Captain Avis, the jailor, and of Sheriff Campbell, who
    now stand by that murdered body! Whose name is on all these? Not that of Henry
    A. Wise, Governor of Virginia. What seal is that? <span style='text-transform:
uppercase'>Virginia </span>— her foot on the prostrate and headless form of a
    slaveholder!</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     Once more: that <span style='text-transform:uppercase'>death-warrant </span>! Look at it! The name of Henry A. Wise is there. What is the import of
    that seal? To the slaves it says: Arise! Cut off your mas­ters' heads! Kill,
    slay and destroy all who would enslave you, or molest you in your efforts to
    secure your freedom!</span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'> To John Brown it says, </span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'>Hasten to Harper’s Ferry; in­cite the slaves to run away,
    and help them to exterminate all who shall attempt to impede their exodus!</span><span
style='color:black'>&quot;</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     Thus, in the very death-warrant under which Brown is
    hung, you and Virginia pronounce him innocent of all evil, and justify the very
    deed for which you hang him. In every way, you pronounce him guiltless. Yet,
    you have hung him! Are you not a murderer? Yes! Henry A. Wise and Virginia
    being witnesses. Yes!<i> </i>the heart, the conscience, the reason and history
    of the nation being witnesses. Yes! by the testimony of mankind, and by the
    voice of God.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     Dream not that John Brown will appear in this
    world’s history as </span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'>a fool,</span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'> </span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'>a fanatic,</span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'> </span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'>a robber,</span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'> </span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'>a ruffian,</span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'> </span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'>a madman,</span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'> </span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'>a monomaniac,</span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'> </span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'>a marauder,</span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'> or </span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'>a murderer.</span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'> His plan was formed in wisdom and righteous­ness; and
    was executed in purest justice, goodness and benevolence, according to the
    religion and government of Virginia, and of the United States; and according to
    the con­victions of ninety-nine out of every hundred of the people.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     What was his object? To arouse the nation to
    consider the sin, the shame, and the danger of slavery, with a view</span></p>
  <br
clear="all" style='page-break-before:always' />
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>[page 16]</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='font-size:14.0pt;color:#323232'>THE NATICK
    RESOLUTION.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>to its abolition. What was his plan of action? <span
style='text-transform:uppercase'>Running slaves off, </span>or <i>dying </i>in
    the attempt. Either would answer his purpose. This he knew, and was prepared
    for the alternative. Death at your hands overtook him in the at­tempt, and when
    in the act of breaking his neck, your word was heard throughout the land,
    saying, &quot;Surely, this is a just man!&quot; Has he failed? Never was the
    life of man — death, rather—a more complete success.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     What has been the one ruling thought of Virginia,
    and of every slave State, and of the Union, the past two months? John Brown and
    Harper’s Ferry! What the one spoken and unspoken word of the entire nation?
    John Brown and Harper’s Ferry! The one pulsation of the nation’s heart has
    been, — John Brown and him hung, <i>for seeking to free slaves! </i>John Brown, <i>the friend of the slave, </i>has edited every paper, presided over every
    domestic and social circle, over every prayer, conference and church meeting,
    over every pulpit and platform, and over every Legislative, Judi­cial and
    Executive department of government; and he will edit every paper, and govern
    Virginia and all the States, and preside over Congress, guide its
    deliberations, and con­trol all political caucuses and elections, for one year
    to come.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     In a word, John Brown and him hung will be the one
    thought of the nation; and John Brown and him hung for </span><span
style='color:black'>&quot;</span><i><span style='color:#323232'>bearing the
    yoke of the oppressed as if upon his own neck,</span></i><span
style='color:black'>&quot;</span><i><span style='color:#323232'> </span></i><span
style='color:#323232'>is now, and will continue to be, the one deep and
    humiliating feeling that will fill every heart with grief, sadness, shame,
    indignation and loathing. John Brown has triumphed; and that, too, according to
    his expectations, in death.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     You have murdered him; but you, Virginia, and the
    nation, retire from the bloody deed a thousand-fold more impotent to defend
    slavery than you were before. You have murdered his body; but John Brown holds
    you, Vir­ginia, the nation, and slavery, in his firm, determined grasp, more
    completely than he ever did before.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     May John Brown and him hung be to you, Virginia, and
    the nation, what Christ and him crucified was to his execu­tioner &quot;A savor
    of life unto life, and not of death unto death!</span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     Thine, for eternal life to freedom, and a speedy
    death to slavery,</span></p>
  <p align="right" style='text-align:right;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='font-size:14.0pt;color:#323232'>HENRY C.
    WRIGHT.</span></p>
  <br
clear="all" style='page-break-before:always' />
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>[page 17]</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='font-size:14.0pt;color:#323232'>LETTER TO
    HON. HENRY WILSON,</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='color:#323232;text-transform:uppercase'>touching
    the natick resolution and servile resistance and insurrection.</span></p>
  <p align="right" style='text-align:right;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='color:#323232;text-transform:uppercase'>Boston, </span><span style='color:#323232'>Dec, 10th, 1859.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232;text-transform:uppercase'>Hon. Henry Wilson</span><span
style='color:#323232'>:</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232;text-transform:uppercase'>     Sir,</span><span
style='color:#323232'>—In the Senate of the United States, you were called
    upon, on Tuesday, December 6th, to give an account of yourself to the
    slave-drivers for attending a meeting in Natick, called to discuss a resolution
    affirming &quot;the right and duty of slaves to resist their masters, and the
    right and duty of the North to aid them.&quot;  A Mr. Brown asked you, in an
    insolent tone — &quot;Were you present to countenance such a meeting?&quot; You
    explained and said, </span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'>It was a lecture attended generally by Democrats and
    others; that no­body interrupted the proceedings; that <i>only </i>some dozen
    Garrison Abolitionists Voted for the resolution, and that the great mass of the
    meeting came from <i>curiosity.&quot;  </i>The slave-driver who held the lash
    over you said, </span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'>I am satis­fied!</span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'> But another, Mr. Iverson, still flourished the lash over
    you, taunting you because, &quot;being a Senator from Massachusetts, you heard
    such treasonable sentiments avowed at a public meeting, in your own town, and
    did not at once rebuke them, instead of sitting and giving silent assent to
    them</span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     Instead of rebuking those insolent lords of the lash
    for presuming to dictate to you your course of conduct at home, among your
    neighbors, you submissively attempted to ex­plain to them the whys and
    wherefors of your action, <i>out </i>of Congress, as if anxious to deprecate
    their frowns and stripes.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     That meeting was called by public notice to discuss
    the question of </span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'>Resistance to slaveholders as obedience to God, in
    reference to John Brown at Harper’s Ferry.</span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'> It was hoped and expected that both sides would be
    heard. It was stated at the opening of the meeting, <i>you being pres­ent, </i>that
    it was not a lecture, but a meeting for discussion. A prominent citizen of
    Natick was appointed chairman, who</span></p>
  <br
clear="all" style='page-break-before:always' />
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>[page 18]</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='font-size:14.0pt;color:#323232'>THE NATICK
    RESOLUTION.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>introduced Mr. Wright, who read the resolution and com­mented
    on it some forty minutes, and gave way. You (if I mistake not, <i>by name) </i>were
    invited, with others, to give your views for or against it, as your reason and
    conscience should dictate. You declined, as was your right and duty, if your
    own reason so decided. Though all would have gladly heard you, none blamed you
    for your silence.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     It was urged in that meeting, that it was the right
    and duty of the slaves, and of the North, to embody their resist­ance to
    slaveholders in every department of life, wherever they deemed it right to live
    — in domestic, social, ecclesiasti­cal, political and commercial life; and that
    it was the right of the slaves to defend themselves against the lusts, the
    thefts, robbery and rapine of their masters, by arms and blood, in the same
    sense that it is the right of the masters to defend themselves against like
    outrages on the part of the slaves.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     As to military resistance, Mr. Wright denied that it
    was ever <i>right </i>or <i>expedient. </i>At the same time, he said, if ever
    it was right to resist tyrants by arms, it was the right and duty of the
    slaves, and of the North, to resist slaveholders; that if ever one human being
    deserved death at the hand of another, (which Mr. Wright denied, ) every
    slaveholder de­served it at the hand of the slave; and that, according to the
    religion, the government, the popular opinion and universal history of the
    nation, John Brown had done right, and only his duty to God and Humanity, in
    resolving to run off slaves, and to shoot down all who should oppose him in his
    God-appointed work.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     Three things were distinctly urged in that meeting,
    as taught by the ministers, legislators, judges, presidents and governors of
    the entire nation. (1) The right of slaves to run away; (2) their right to
    defend themselves against all who shall attempt to molest them; (3) their right
    to call on the people of the North to aid them, and the duty of the North to <i>incite </i>them to run away, and to defend them against all, whether governmental
    officials or not, who shall oppose their exodus.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     It was urged upon Henry Wilson, Charles Sumner, Wil­liam
    H. Seward, John P. Hale, and all Northern Senators and Representatives, in and
    out of Congress, as a duty, to</span></p>
  <br
clear="all" style='page-break-before:always' />
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>[page 19]</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='font-size:14.0pt;color:#323232'>LETTER TO THE
    HON. HENRY WILSON.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><i><span
style='color:#323232'>incite </span></i><span style='color:#323232'>slaves to
    insurrection and resistance of soul against slaveholders, and all who would
    enslave them. The hope was expressed that the slaveholders in Congress would
    bring Northern members to the test, that they might have an op­portunity to
    affirm in Congress the sentiments they are known to entertain at home — <i>i. e</i>.,
    that it is the right and duty of slaves to seek freedom by running away, and to
    de­fend themselves against all who would intercept them, and that it is the
    right and duty of the North to <i>incite </i>and <i>aid </i>them thus to get
    their freedom.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     Such sentiments were uttered in that meeting in your
    hearing, and not one word was said by you or any one against them. And it was
    said that your silence would be taken for consent. Why, then, do you intimate
    that you were silent because you did not wish &quot;to <i>interrupt </i>the pro­ceeding</span><span
style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span style='color:#323232'>? You well know
    that, had you spoken, not one would have considered it an interruption. The
    feeling was that you were silent because your sense of justice, truth and
    humanity forbade you to oppose the resolution. I do not believe there were ten
    persons in the meeting who would have said that it is not right for slaves to
    run away, or that John Brown did not do right in inciting them to run away; and
    in helping to defend them against all who should oppose them.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     It was not </span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'>curiosity,</span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'> but sympathy with Brown, that brought them there. It
    would be difficult for you to con­vince your neighbors that it was not a deep
    interest in the life and fate of Brown that brought you there. It is true, as
    Iverson says, </span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'>by your silence, you gave your sanction to the
    resolution.  </span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'>You were invited to oppose it; you de­clined. Had you
    openly and earnestly sustained it, there were not probably ten in the hall, I
    doubt if there was one, who would not have admired you all the more for it.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     I allude to this meeting, not because it is worthy
    of special notice in itself; for thousands like it are being held on the same
    subject all over the North, in which stronger senti­ments, it may be, are urged
    without contradiction; but be­cause you and other members of the Senate and of
    the House are trying to throw glamour in the eyes of Southern members, and make
    them think that Republicans have no sympathy with Brown and his efforts to run
    off slaves, and</span></p>
  <br
clear="all" style='page-break-before:always' />
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>[page 20]</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='font-size:14.0pt;color:#323232'>THE NATICK
    RESOLUTION.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>by so doing to arouse the nation to its great sin and
    danger. You would have them think that </span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'>regret and condemna­tion</span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'> of Brown and his objects are universal at the North.
    Well may they, in their terror and agony, ask you, </span><span
style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span style='color:#323232'>What mean those
    mighty gatherings, and that tolling of bells all over the North on the day of
    his execution? What mean those speeches eulogistic of Brown and his doings, and
    so condemnatory of Wise, and Virginia, and their doings? What means the almost
    universal applause be­stowed on the remark of Ralph Waldo Emerson, the most
    prominent literary man, lecturer and moral philosopher in the nation, that the
    execution of the hero and saint of Har­per’s Ferry, ‘Will make the gallows as
    glorious as the cross’? Why was it that the seizure, trial and execution of
    Brown, as a felon, swelled the Republican vote at the recent elections in the
    Northern States? Will you, in the face of ten thousand facts like these, still
    assure the quaking slave­holders that Republicans have no sympathy with Brown?
    Well may they retort upon you —</span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'>You take a queer way to show it.</span><span
style='color:black'>&quot;</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     Please show the doings of the Massachusetts
    Legislature on the day of the execution (Friday, December 2d) to the
    slaveholders, and tell them that is evidence of the truth of your remarks! What
    were they? In the Senate, soon as the session was opened, Mr. Luce, of the
    Island District, moved, </span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'>That, in view of the execution of John Brown in Virginia,
    the Senate do now adjourn.</span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'> This motion was negatived — ayes, 8; nays, 11. At 12,
    noon, Mr. Luce again moved, </span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'>That, as it was probably about this time that John Brown
    was being executed in Virginia, as an expression of sympathy for him, the
    Senate do now adjourn.</span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'> A de­bate ensued.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232;text-transform:uppercase'>     </span><span
style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span style='color:#323232;text-transform:
uppercase'>Mr. Odiorne, </span><span style='color:#323232'>of Suffolk,
    expressed admiration for Brown as a man; declaring that he had the greatest
    sympathy with him.</span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     </span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232;text-transform:uppercase'>Mr. Walker, </span><span
style='color:#323232'>of Hampden, said he yielded to no man in sympathy for
    Brown. He looked at the action of Vir­ginia as unjust, and condemned the
    unseemly haste with which the trial and execution had been hurried forward.</span><span
style='color:black'>&quot;</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     </span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232;text-transform:uppercase'>Mr. Davis, </span><span
style='color:#323232'>of Bristol, did not propose to condemn the acts of Brown,
    as he wished them to be judged by posterity;</span></p>
  <br
clear="all" style='page-break-before:always' />
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>[page 21]</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='font-size:14.0pt;color:#323232'>LETTER TO
    HON. HENRY WILSON.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>and he felt sure that <i>no more heroic or brighter name
    would be found in history, than that of old Osawatomie Brown. </i>Brown, with
    the Constitution of the United States in one hand, and the Golden Rule in the
    other, marched straight forward and attacked the Slave Power, and he was to be
    honored for it.</span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     </span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232;text-transform:uppercase'>Mr. Walker, </span><span
style='color:#323232'>of Hampden, said he did not believe, as a lawyer, that
    John Brown had been legally convicted of treason or murder. While he did not
    wish to go into the slave States to run off slaves himself, yet he did not
    object to others doing it in any way they saw fit.</span><span
style='color:black'>&quot;</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:
none'><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span style='color:#323232;
text-transform:uppercase'>Mr. HOTCHKISS, </span><span style='color:#323232'>of
    Franklin, said he was a States Rights man, in the fullest sense; but he thought
    it would be as perfectly proper to adjourn out of sympathy for Brown as for any
    other great and good man; and he considered John Brown <i>one of the noblest
    works of God. </i>If Brown had done wrong, it was an error of the head, and not
    of the heart. He held the Governor of Virginia guilty of wilful murder, and
    this act would be the hanging of the Governor and of the whole State of
    Virginia. Brown had not been proved guilty.&quot;</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     On this second motion, the vote was — yeas, 12;
    nays, 20. Such was the spirit and action of the Senate. But one spoke
    condemnatory of Brown and his deeds. Remember, the Senate is almost entirely
    Republican. All who spoke in favor of Brown were such. Read the above, and then
    tell the slaveholders that Republicans have no sympathy with Brown, and no
    responsibility for his deeds! What will they think of you? Would that
    Republicans would avow their work and glory in it; for this is the richest
    fruit they have ever borne, — so far as it is theirs.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     In the House, at the opening of the session, Mr. <span
style='text-transform:uppercase'>Ray, </span>of Nantucket, — moved </span><span
style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span style='color:#323232'>That, for the
    great respect we have for the truthfulness and faith that John Brown has in man
    and his religion, and the strong sympathy for the love of liberty (the avowed
    principle of Massachusetts) for which he is this day to die, this House do now
    adjourn.</span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     </span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232;text-transform:uppercase'>Mr. Robinson, </span><span
style='color:#323232'>of Middleboro’, was unwilling to say John Brown was
    right, though he respected him, and thought his motives good.</span><span
style='color:black'>&quot;</span></p>
  <br
clear="all" style='page-break-before:always' />
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>[page 22]</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='font-size:14.0pt;color:#323232'>THE NATICK
    RESOLUTION.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>    </span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232;text-transform:uppercase'>Mr. Griffin, </span><span
style='color:#323232'>of Malden, said, the spirit of the order is merely a
    tribute to the piety and integrity of John Brown. Let us imitate old Brown, and
    attend to the business God and our constituents have given us to do. He had his
    views of John Brown and of his value to the race; but this was not the place to
    express them. In other places, it might be done.</span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     It was done in a meeting of three thousand in the
    Tremont Temple, that very night, — called for the purpose of express­ing
    sympathy for Brown, and abhorrence of his murder by the Governor of Virginia.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     In this meeting, S. E. Sewall, a much respected
    lawyer of Boston, and a leading Republican, said: — </span><span
style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span style='color:#323232'>Under these
    circumstances, whether John Brown was technically guilty of any offence against
    the laws of Virginia or not, he had not had a fair trial, and his execution is
    therefore <span style='text-transform:uppercase'>butchery </span>and <span
style='text-transform:uppercase'>murder, </span>and the Judge and Governor were
    only the tools of Virginia in carrying out this <span style='text-transform:
uppercase'>judicial assassina­tion. </span>As it is, Governor Wise seems likely
    to be pilloried by history at the side of Pontius Pilate, as the man who shed
    innocent blood in violation of his own convictions of right, to satisfy the
    clamor of a deluded populace, crying, &quot;Crucify him! crucify him!&quot;</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     Mr. Griffin, at the same meeting, said: &quot;He
    undertook to defend Pontius Pilate against a comparison with Governor Wise. The
    chairman should apologize to the memory of Pontius Pilate for the comparison.</span><span
style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span style='color:#323232'> (Uproarious
    applause.)</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     With such facts before them, what must the
    slaveholding Senators think of your assertion, that Brown and his deeds excite
    only &quot;regret and condemnation&quot; among Republi­cans? Brown, Iverson,
    Mason, and all the Senators from the South, justly tremble for themselves,
    their wives and their children. They frankly declare to you and to the nation
    their terror and agony. They say the North sympathizes with Brown and his
    deeds, and in so doing seeks to incite in­surrection, rebellion, and resistance
    among their slaves. It is true. Their fears are well founded. Why seek to lull
    them into security till the storm shall burst upon them in a way they dream not
    of, — as it surely will, and deluge their homes and their plantations with
    blood, unless they escape</span></p>
  <br
clear="all" style='page-break-before:always' />
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>[page 23]</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='font-size:14.0pt;color:#323232'>LETTER TO
    HON. HENRY WILSON</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>by repentance and emancipation? Why should you seek to
    quiet their guilty consciences and awakened terrors?</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     The masses of the North are in sympathy with Brown
    and his deeds. In no State is this more true than in that which you represent.
    In no place in the State is that sympathy more vital than in your own immediate
    neighborhood; as if your presence there had only tended to kindle the flame and
    keep it blazing.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     Millions in the North rejoice that the slaveholders
    in Con­gress bring you and all your associates in politics to this one test, — <i>i.e.</i>, <i>Is resistance to slaveholders the right and duty of the slaves and of the
    North</i>? Will you and your fellow-Republicans help to kill the slaves if they
    attempt to defend themselves, their wives and children against the rape,
    rapine, robbery and murder perpetrated on them, daily, by their masters, or
    will you side with the slaves against the mas­ters? Was John Brown a traitor
    against God and human­ity? Henry Wilson and Charles Sumner will never say he was.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     Slaveholders may well turn pale with terror. As
    Iverson and Mason say, &quot;they sleep on the brink of a volcano.</span><span
style='color:black'> &quot;</span><span style='color:#323232'> They know they
    deserve death, <i>on their own showing, </i>at the hands of their slaves. They
    feel, hourly, their victim’s knife at their throats; his dagger at their
    hearts, and his torch at their dwellings; and their wives and daughters out­raged
    by those whose wives and daughters, mothers and sis­ters, they themselves have
    ravished. If they will persist in turning men and women into brutes and
    chattels, they must abide the results of their inhuman deeds. Their reward is
    sure and terrible. The bayonets of the North will not much longer defend them.
    I would that you and your associates in Congress were as true to liberty as the
    South is to slavery; that you would, in every department of life, as truly
    embody resistance to slavery, as they do resistance to liberty. Then this </span><span
style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span style='color:#323232'>irrepressible
    conflict</span><span style='color:black'>&quot; </span><span style='color:#323232'>would
    soon be ended; and the <span style='text-transform:uppercase'>Higher Law </span>be
    the <i>only </i>rule of action, <i>in </i>Congress as well as <i>out </i>of it.
    For the Constitution and the enactments of Congress are but so much blank
    paper, and will be set at nought as such, when they are opposed to that <span
style='text-transform:uppercase'>Higher Law </span>which enjoins it upon slaves
    to escape from slavery, and upon the North to incite and help them to escape.
    If this be trea-</span></p>
  <br
clear="all" style='page-break-before:always' />
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>[page 24]</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='font-size:14.0pt;color:#323232'>THE NATICK
    RESOLUTION.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>son — as it unquestionably is — against the <span
style='text-transform:uppercase'>Lower Law, </span>and you and your
    fellow-Republicans undertake to hang all such traitors, as you say you will,
    rest assured you will have enough to do. You must, indeed, become a <span
style='text-transform:uppercase'>common </span>hang­man.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     Judged from the stand-point of the religion and
    government of this nation, the design of John Brown was founded in the deepest
    wisdom and benevolence, and executed with con­summate skill, and unrivalled
    heroism, integrity, and self-forgetfulness. His life was a complete success;
    his death, an unparalleled and most honorable triumph. He sought to arouse the <i>soul </i>of this nation, the intellect, the conscience, the sympathy and will, to a
    state of resistance, rebellion, insurrection against slaveholders, and against
    every law, Constitution, Bible or religion that sanctions and sustains them in
    turning men, women, and children into beasts and chattels. He sought to
    accomplish this chief end of his ex­istence by running off slaves or by death.
    He has triumphed by the gallows! The blood of John Brown appeals to God and
    Humanity against slaveholders and their confederates in crime. To that appeal,
    the heart of this nation and of the civilized world will respond, in one defiant
    shout, </span><span style='color:black;text-transform:uppercase'>&quot;Resistance
    to slaveholders is obedience to God.&quot;</span></p>
  <p align="right" style='text-align:right;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='color:#323232'>HENRY C. WRIGHT.</span></p>
  <br
clear="all" style='page-break-before:always' />
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>[page 25]</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='font-size:14.0pt;color:#323232'>LETTER TO WM.
    LLOYD GARRISON,</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='color:#323232;text-transform:uppercase'>Touching
    rebellion and insurrection against slaveholders.</span></p>
  <p align="right" style='text-align:right;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='color:#323232;text-transform:uppercase'>Boston, </span><span style='color:#323232'>Dec. 11th, 1859.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232;text-transform:uppercase'>Dear Garrison</span><span
style='color:#323232'>:</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     I use the words resistance, rebellion, and
    insurrection, because these alone can truly express those mental, social and
    moral conditions which God and Humanity enjoin in regard to slaveholders.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     Thirty years ago, the soul of this nation was in a
    con­dition of cowering subserviency to that power which turns every sixth man,
    woman and child into </span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'>a chattel personal</span><span style='color:black'>&quot;
    r</span><span style='color:#323232'>eason, conscience, sympathy and will had
    suc­cumbed, and apparently had lost the capacity to rise in rebellion against
    it. Insurrection against slave-breeders seemed not only an impossibility, but
    an immorality; a kind of blasphemy against what was considered a God-ordained
    and time-honored practice. Slavery was inter-blended with all domestic, social,
    ecclesiastical, political and commercial relations, and defended by the
    religious, governmental and military power. Wherever men and women lived, there
    they embodied a living submission to slaveholders. Resistance, or insurrection,
    against them, in any relation, in thought, feeling, word or deed, was counted a
    felony against the peace of society, against the Union, and its sovereign
    power.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     Four millions of slaves, this day, are, by reason of
    the in­fluence that is brought to bear upon them, made to believe and feel that
    the greatest sin they can commit, the sin most sure to make them liable to the
    vengeance and lash of their oppressors, and to all &quot;the miseries of this
    life, to the wrath of God and the pains of hell forever,</span><span
style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span style='color:#323232'> is that of
    insurrection and resistance against slaveholders, in thought, word or deed.
    Their will-power to resist is gone. They have <i>no will </i>of their own! To
    have a will, a conscience, or an aversion to their enslavement, and to express
    it in word or deed, instantly subjects them to the lash or the gallows. The
    will of the tyrant is their only legalized and baptized rule of life.</span></p>
  <br
clear="all" style='page-break-before:always' />
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>[page 26]</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='font-size:14.0pt;color:#323232'>THE NATICK
    RESOLUTION.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     Thirty years ago, the entire North, in its domestic,
    social, religious, political, commercial and military life, was in the same
    state of abject subserviency to slaveholders. The peo­ple seemed not only to
    have lost the power to resist them, but actually to feel honored that
    slave-breeders and slave-catchers counted them worthy to do their work of shame
    and infamy. The very life of their souls to resist seemed to have become
    extinct. So far as insurrection against them was concerned, the nation was dead
    and buried in an igno­minious grave of servile submission.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     You, in 1830, sounded the tocsin of insurrection and
    revo­lution against slaveholders, and all that sustains them. In the name of
    God and Humanity, you proclaimed war against the nation’s protected and
    colossal crime. You said that you would be heard; that you would not yield;
    that you would never turn back; that you or slavery must die. You struck for <i>immediate,
    unconditional </i>abolition. What was the first work to be done? To arouse the
    people of the North, and place them in an attitude of insurrection against
    slaveholders, in thought, feeling, word, and deed; to incite them to
    irreconcilable hostility to &quot;the highest kind of theft, <i>i. e., </i>man-stealing,</span><span
style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span style='color:#323232'> and to the
    injustice, robbery, rape and rapine inherent in slavery. The reason,
    conscience, moral and social nature and will of the North were to be quickened
    and brought into a state of inexorable, undying rebellion against slaveholders, <i>as such. </i>The people <i>of </i>the North, in the family and social
    circle, in the church, at the ballot-box, in the market, and in all places
    where they think it their right and duty to live, were to be made to regard and
    treat slaveholders as they do burglars, thieves, robbers, murderers, midnight
    assassins, and ravishers of helpless innocence, and to feel that, as such, they
    have no right to breathe God’s air, to see his light, or to <i>live </i>in his
    universe; that, <i>as slavehold­ers, </i>they have no rights which <i>any man </i>is
    bound to respect. This was the first work to be done. By appeals to reason,
    conscience, pity, and sympathy, made through the press and the living lecturer
    and speaker, despite the efforts of the Church and State to lull their souls to
    quietness, life was infused into multitudes in behalf of the slave.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     You called on the people of the North to gird on the
    armor of God against slaveholders. Resistance, rebellion,</span></p>
  <br
clear="all" style='page-break-before:always' />
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>[page 27]</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='font-size:14.0pt;color:#323232'>LETTER TO WM.
    LLOYD GARRISON.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>insurection against them, and all that sustains them, in
    sentiment, in principle, in spirit, word and deed, was the watchword of the
    Anti-Slavery Movement. Insurrection was couched in the very name by which the
    enterprise was christened, <i>i. e., </i><span style='text-transform:uppercase'>anti-slavery.   </span>An Anti-Slavery <i>soul, </i>and an Anti-Slavery <i>life, </i>were to be
    created in the North; which meant a soul and a life, an interior and exterior
    life, rebellious and insur­rectionary against slaveholders. The souls of the
    Northern people were to be aroused to cease to side with the oppres­sors against
    the oppressed, (as they had ever done,) and to yield up reason and conscience,
    and all their sympathy, and all their powers of soul and body, to the slaves
    against their enslavers. Two positions were established: (1) That it is the
    right and duty of the enslaved and the free to resist all attempts to hold and
    use human beings as chattels. (2) That it is our right and duty to use all such
    means to free the slaves as we would use to free ourselves, if we were slaves.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     These two positions were, and have been to this day,
    maintained by you, by Adin Ballou, by Wendell Phillips, and by all
    Abolitionists. &quot;Incite the slaves to escape from slavery, and defend them
    against the rape, rapine, and atro­cities of those who would enslave them, by
    the same weapons with which you would defend yourselves, your wives and
    children. Resist slave-catchers, in behalf of the <i>black </i>slaves, by the
    same means that you would use in behalf of <i>white </i>slaves.  </span><span
style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span style='color:#323232'>This has been the
    uniform teaching of Abolition­ists from the beginning. Every paper, every
    letter, every speech, every prayer, every exhortation, has been designed to
    bring the souls of the people into a state of insurrection against
    slaveholders, and an argument to induce them to use all such means as they
    would use, or wish others to use, for their own protection.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'>     <span
style='color:#323232'>As to <i>armed </i>or <i>military </i>resistance to
    slaveholders, or to <span style='text-transform:uppercase'>any </span>evil-doers,
    my soul has ever resisted it, and ever must, as inexpedient, unjust and
    inhuman. Life or liberty can never be protected by killing men. <span
style='text-transform:uppercase'>MAN-KILLING </span>is the basis of <span
style='text-transform:uppercase'>MAN-STEALING. </span>Human liberty can never
    be made sacred by the taking of human life. Respect for liberty can never
    result from contempt for life. Liberty will be safe, only as life is
    reverenced. The inviolability of life is the only foundation of absolute safety
    to liberty.</span></p>
  <br
clear="all" style='page-break-before:always' />
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>[page 28]</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='font-size:14.0pt;color:#323232'>THE NATICK
    RESOLUTION.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     Such has been my cherished conviction for thirty
    years, as it has been yours. It is because human governments are founded on the
    right to kill men, in violence and murder, and on that revengeful doctrine of
    &quot;blood for blood,&quot; that I have never taken any part in their
    administration, by voting, or otherwise. I have no more respect for the
    authority of the General or State governments, than for that of the wolf or
    hyena. To me, they are all, as now constituted, but </span><span
style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span style='color:#323232'>covenants with
    Death, and agreements with hell.</span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'> These governments, in their essential spirit, principles
    and prac­tices, are a deliberate and formal rejection of those sacred and only
    truths that are absolutely conservative of </span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'>Life, Liberty and Happiness,</span><span
style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span style='color:#323232'> <i>i. e.</i>, — </span><span
style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span style='color:#323232'>Love your enemies,</span><span
style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span style='color:#323232'> </span><span
style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span style='color:#323232'>Forgive as you
    would be forgiven,</span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'> </span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'>Return to no man evil for evil, but overcome evil with
    good.</span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span style='color:#323232'> They all ignore the spirit and life of the Martyr of Calvary. And the one deep
    anguish of my heart, as I look on the martyr of Harper’s Ferry, is, that his
    hands, ever so faithful to liberty, are stained with a brother’s blood.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     But while this is </span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'>the way, the truth and the life</span><span
style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span style='color:#323232'> to me, ninety and
    nine out of every hundred of the enslaved and enslavers. North and South,
    politicians and priests, <i>in their own defence, </i>insist that <i>armed </i>resistance
    to slavehold­ers is obedience to God; and that it is the right and duty of the
    enslaved to defend themselves, their wives and daugh­ters, against the
    cruelties, the rape and rapine of their en­slavers, by arms and blood; and to
    kill, slay and destroy all who invade their homes, to drug the objects of their
    affection to the auction-block, to be sold like brutes. In their own case, they
    hold that, if they were slaves, it would be the right and duty of John Brown,
    and of all freemen, to help them to insurrection. I hold them responsible to
    their own accepted laws of life, to use the same means to defend the Southern
    slaves, and their wives and children, which they would use, or wish others to
    use, to defend themselves. I would say to the people of the North: </span><span
style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span style='color:#323232'>Go, <i>incite </i>slaves
    to run away, and guide them on their way to Canada, as John Brown proposed to
    do; and if slaveholders or their ecclesiastical and political minions attempt
    to oppose them, and to re-enslave them, defend them, as Brown proposed to do,
    by the same weapons you would use were you, and your</span></p>
  <br
clear="all" style='page-break-before:always' />
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>[page 29]</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='font-size:14.0pt;color:#323232'>LETTER TO WM.
    LLOYD GARRISON.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>wives and children, the fugitives. Rouse the slaves to
    rebel­lion and insurrection, and put into their hands <i>only </i>such weapons
    as you, would use in your own behalf, were you insurgent slaves. If you deem it
    wrong to use deadly weapons to defend yourselves, do not defend the slaves in
    that way; but if you would deem the torch and sabre justifiable means of
    insurrection in your own behalf, were you slaves, use the same in behalf of
    Southern slaves.</span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     But the people of the North have been in sympathy
    with, and have plighted their faith and their power to, the enslav­ers, rather
    than the enslaved. While, in every possible way, from the pulpit, the platform,
    the press, they pro­claimed armed resistance and armed insurrection against
    slaveholders as the right and duty of all <i>white </i>people, they have urged
    a meek, humble, unreasoning, uncomplaining and abject submission on the part of
    the <i>black </i>slaves. The <i>white </i>slaveholders perpetrate robbery, rape
    and rapine upon <i>black </i>slaves and their wives and daughters, and if the
    black slaves strike those <i>white </i>ravishers dead, Edward Everett, and the
    nation, sustain these Christian and Anglo-Saxon man-stealers in their
    &quot;midnight and merciless atrocities, and their abominations, not to be
    named by <i>Christian </i>lips to <i>Christian </i>ears,</span><span
style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span style='color:#323232'> and hang and
    shoot the outraged slaves for resisting them. But, if the black slaves return
    to these white plunderers and ravishers of their homes, <i>according to their
    deeds, </i>instantly Edward Everett begins to talk of </span><span
style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span style='color:#323232'>midnight burnings,
    wholesale massacres, merciless tor­tures, and deeds too unutterably atrocious
    for the English language.</span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'> Before God and eternal justice and truth, whatever it is
    right for the <i>white </i>enslavers to do to <i>black </i>slaves and their
    wives, daughters, mothers and sisters, it is right for <i>black </i>slaves to
    do to their <i>white </i>enslavers and their wives, daughters, mothers and
    sisters. Whatever the peo­ple of the North would help the <i>white </i>slaveholders
    to do to their <i>black </i>slaves, they should, and will, one day, help the <i>black </i>slaves to do to the <i>white </i>slaveholders.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     Let the North cut loose from their bloody alliance
    with slaveholders, imitate John Brown, and form a league of offence and defence
    with the slaves against their enslavers. Let them do in defence of freedom to
    the slaves whatever they would do in defence of their own freedom. Let the</span></p>
  <br
clear="all" style='page-break-before:always' />
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>[page 30]</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='font-size:14.0pt;color:#323232'>THE NATICK
    RESOLUTION.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>North use all their power to give liberty to the slaves,
    which they would use to secure freedom to themselves. If they would use the
    torch and sabre to obtain and secure freedom to themselves, let them use the
    same weapons to give free­dom to the slaves of Virginia.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     Now they are politically, not morally, bound to aid
    slave­holders in their unprovoked, inhuman and murderous assault upon the
    slaves and their defenceless wives and children, and to shoot down the slaves
    if they, attempt resistance or insurrection. Let them from this hour make an
    everlasting covenant with the slaves and the slaves’ God, to <i>incite </i>and <i>aid </i>them to rebellion against man-stealers; and incite them to insurrection,
    and defend them against all who would crush them back into slavery, by all such
    means as they would use to defend themselves. This is what God and Humanity de­mand
    of every man and woman in the North, and in the world.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     Subjection to an outward, arbitrary authority is the
    basis of chattel slavery, and of all oppression. The power of the Church and
    State, the consuming wrath, the lash, the bowie-knife, the revolver, the rifle
    and bloodhound of slaveholders, and their allies, and the vengeance and terror
    of an Almighty God, are brought to bear on the ignorant, cowering slaves, to
    crush out the last vestige of their manhood, and bring them into an
    unresisting, unreasoning, humble submission to that arbitrary, bloody power
    that enslaves them. The souls of the slaves fall prostrate, having no will of
    their own, and deeming every rebellion, insurrectionary thought and feel­ing, a
    crime deserving scourging and death, and eternal banishment from God and
    heaven. The mission of anti-slavery is to inspire them with rebellious thoughts
    and feel­ings, and incite them to insurrectionary words and deeds (not deeds of
    violence and blood) against their inhuman and godless masters.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     So that same power of Church and State, the fierce
    wrath and threatened vengeance of slave-breeders, and the entire power of the
    government and religion of the nation, and the terrors of death, judgment and
    eternity, have been brought to bear on the people of the North, to compel them
    into humble subserviency to the Slave Power. You and your coadjutors have long
    labored to incite the cowering and</span></p>
  <br
clear="all" style='page-break-before:always' />
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>[page 31]</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='font-size:14.0pt;color:#323232'>LETTER TO WM.
    LLOYD GARRISON.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>crushed souls of the people of the North to a living,
    practical insurrection against that power; to arouse them to thoughts and
    feelings, to words and deeds of undying hostility against all constitutions and
    bibles, all religions and gov­ernments, and all men and women, that enslave
    human be­ings, or that teach submission on the part of slaves to the power that
    enslaves them.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     The prestige of the words </span><span
style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span style='color:#323232'>rebellion</span><span
style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span style='color:#323232'> and &quot;insurrec­tion,</span><span
style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span style='color:#323232'> </span><span
style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span style='color:#323232'>rebel</span><span
style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span style='color:#323232'> and </span><span
style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span style='color:#323232'>insurgent,</span><span
style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span style='color:#323232'> </span><span
style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span style='color:#323232'>treason</span><span
style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span style='color:#323232'> and </span><span
style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span style='color:#323232'>traitor,</span><span
style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span style='color:#323232'> for purposes of
    oppression, as a means to palsy and cower the soul into subserviency to
    slaveholders, and to constitu­tions, laws, bibles and religions that sustain
    them, was fast disappearing before the anti-slavery movement. The gal­lows and
    blood of Brown have about dissolved the charm altogether. Rebellion,
    insurrection and treason against slaveholders, and every authority and
    influence that sustains them, are fast coming to be expressive of our highest
    al­legiance to God and Humanity. They are coming to be consecrated and holy
    words, and significant only of justice, honor, fidelity, love, and of whatever
    is beautiful, grand and heroic in human nature.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     The whole power of the Church is wielded to overawe
    the souls of the people, and bring them submissively and abject­ly to yield to
    the authority of their creed, and without one resisting or rebellious thought
    or feeling to do its behests, however inhuman they may be, even to turning men
    and women into chattels, or hanging them on a gallows. The Bible, the only
    authority in religious faith and practice, and insurrection against it a sin
    unto eternal death — this is the sentiment and history of the American Church.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     The power of the Union and General Government, and
    of the politics and military of the country, is brought to bear to subject the
    people to the authority of their Constitution, their political creed; and
    rebellion, insurrection, treason against that in thought, feeling, word or
    deed, is counted the sin of sins, and to be expiated only on the gallows; the
    Constitution the only authority in social, commercial, civil and political
    life; and resistance and treason against it a sin unto death! For resisting
    that authority, by attempting to give freedom to those who by it were
    pronounced slaves, John Brown is hung, and a national gallows awaits all who
    have enough justice, humanity and piety to imitate him.</span></p>
  <br
clear="all" style='page-break-before:always' />
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>[page 32]</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='font-size:14.0pt;color:#323232'>THE NATICK
    RESOLUTION.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     Edward Everett dooms slaves to death, who dare to
    resist the </span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'>midnight and merciless atrocities, the wholesale mur­ders,
    and the abominations not to be spoken by Christian lips to Christian ears,</span><span
style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span style='color:#323232'> that are
    perpetrated upon them and their wives and children by Christian hands; that
    pimp and pan­der to the lusts of slave-breeders, glorifies them for commit­ting
    those atrocities, </span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'>too unutterable for the English lan­guage,</span><span
style='color:black'> &quot;</span><span style='color:#323232'>upon the slaves
    and their helpless families, but hangs the slaves and their friends who incite
    and aid them to resistance and defence!</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     Abject, humble, uncomplaining submission to
    external, arbitrary authority, is the law and gospel of Church and State; even
    when that authority counts manhood and woman­hood, female virtue, conjugal
    fidelity, the purity of marriage, and the sanctity of parentage, crimes
    punishable with death.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     God and Humanity call the slaves of the South and
    the people of the North to insurrection and treason against a power so Satanic
    in spirit, and so rapacious, so libidinous, so malignant and murderous in
    practice. <span style='text-transform:uppercase'>insurrection of soul </span>against
    slaveholders, the right and duty of slaves and of the North — this is the first
    step; then, the means of re­sistance are to be such, only, as we would use in
    our own behalf, were we slaves.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     The slaveholders have hung John Brown. Let them be
    assured there are tens of thousands of John Browns now hovering on the confines
    of slavery, ready to enter in and scatter themselves all over the South, to
    incite slaves to in­surrection against their masters, and to guide them on
    their way to Canada, bidding defiance to slaveholders, and all slaveholding and
    slave-catching constitutions and laws; be­ing ready to meet the alternative of
    a slaveholder’s gallows. That instrument of torture has lost its terrors. <span
style='text-transform:uppercase'>it is the right and duty of slaves to gain and
    defend their freedom.  it is the right and duty of the people of th north to
    incite and help them to freedom.  </span>This is becoming a paramount duty in
    the estimation of thousands, and no terrors of the slaveholder’s wrath and
    vengeance will prevent them from doing it.</span></p>
  <p align="right" style='text-align:right;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='color:#323232'>HENRY C. WRIGHT.</span></p>
  <br
clear="all" style='page-break-before:always' />
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>[page 33]</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='font-size:14.0pt;color:#323232'>APPENDIX</span><span
style='color:#323232'>.</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'>___________</p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='font-size:14.0pt;color:#323232'>SPEECH OF
    HON. HENRY WILSON,</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>At an Anti-Slavery Festival held in Cochituate Hall,
    Boston, on the evening of January 24th, 1851, to celebrate the completion of
    the twentieth year of the existence of &quot;The Liberator.&quot;</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='color:#323232'>From the Boston
    &quot;Liberator&quot; of Jan. 31, 1851.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>MR. <span style='text-transform:uppercase'>CHAIRMAN, AND
    LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:</span></span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     I suppose the reason why you, Mr. Chairman, who have
    the good fortune to preside over this joyous festival of the friends of
    liberty, assembled here to-night, have called upon me, is because I have the
    good fortune, or perhaps the mis­fortune, to preside over one branch of the </span><span
style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span style='color:#323232'>assembled wis­dom</span><span
style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span style='color:#323232'> of the </span><span
style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span style='color:#323232'>great and General
    Court.</span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span style='color:#323232'> On taking the chair, sir, you quoted the words of the great dramatist, that </span><span
style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span style='color:#323232'>some men were born
    great, some achieved greatness, and others have greatness thrust upon them.</span><span
style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span style='color:#323232'> Now, sir,
    surrounded as you are, on either hand, by men who </span><span
style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span style='color:#323232'>were born great,</span><span
style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span style='color:#323232'>and by men who
    have </span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span style='color:#323232'>achieved
    greatness,</span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span style='color:
#323232'> I am surprised, and this audience will be more surprised, that you
    should call upon one who has simply had </span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'>great­ness thrust upon</span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'> him, to mar the festivities of this occasion, by
    inflicting a speech upon those who have been charmed by the glowing eloquence
    of the gifted and brilliant orators [Mr. Thompson and Mr. Phillips] who have
    addressed us. Our friend Phillips said, that he wished &quot;to have a little
    scream from every one.</span><span style='color:black'>&quot;</span><span
style='color:#323232'> You must, sir, have acted upon that hint in calling upon
    me. [Laughter.]</span></p>
  <br
clear="all" style='page-break-before:always' />
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>[page 34]</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='font-size:14.0pt;color:#323232'>APPENDIX</span><span
style='color:#323232'>.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     At a late hour this afternoon, I learned that the
    friends of freedom were to have a meeting here to-night, in honor of William
    Lloyd Garrison. I am here to-night, sir, to express my love for the great cause
    your guest has advocated for twenty years through the columns of the <i>Liberator, </i>[hear! hear!] and my profound admiration and respect for his
    self-sacrificing and unfaltering devotion to it, amid obloquy and reproach. It
    is my misfortune, perhaps, to differ from him on many important questions.
    Differing, however, from him as I do, I have ever honored him for his
    unshrinking zeal and unwavering fidelity to the cause of liberty and progress.
    [Applause.] For twelve years I have read the <i>Liberator; </i>and, sir, if I
    love liberty, and loathe slavery and oppression, if I entertain a profound
    regard for the rights of man all over the globe, I owe it, in a great degree,
    to the labors of William Lloyd Garrison. [Prolonged applause.] I am not ashamed
    to acknowledge the debt of gratitude I owe him for his labors in behalf of
    three millions of men, and no fear of censure, ridicule or reproach shall deter
    me from expressing, on all fit and proper occasions, my respect and admiration
    for the man. [Applause.] Sir, the unceasing labor he has given to the cause of
    liberty and humanity for these twenty past years will cause his name and his
    memory to be cher­ished and revered ages after the stone which shall lie upon
    his grave shall crumble and mingle with the dust. [Hear! hear!] And when that
    great day comes, as surely it will come, — for God reigns, — when three
    millions of men, held in slavery in this republic, shall be free, the friends
    of liberty will acknowledge, what many now deny, the patriotism of William
    Lloyd Garrison. [Cheers.]</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     I came here, also, to-night, sir, to listen to the
    voice of one of the most gifted orators of the old world, whose elo­quent tones
    are still ringing in our ears. You have alluded, Mr. Chairman, to the jealous
    feelings of our countrymen to foreign interference. Sir, I am an American —
    with Ameri­can sympathies, feelings, and prejudices. I love my coun­try, with
    all her faults, with a supreme devotion. I go for my country now, at all times,
    and on all occasions, and in every contest. Sir, I love not England. [Sensation.]
    I am not dazzled by her splendor or awed by her power, al­though the sun never
    goes down on her possessions, and her</span></p>
  <br
clear="all" style='page-break-before:always' />
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>[page 35]</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='font-size:14.0pt;color:#323232'>SPEECH OF
    HON. HENRY WILSON.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>flag floats over her citadels of power in the four
    quarters of the globe, and upon every sea. But, sir, I honor the friends of
    liberty and progress in England, whose efforts for the last thirty years, in
    the cause of human progress, have never been surpassed by the efforts of any
    class of men in any portion of the civilized world. [Hear! hear!] Yes, sir, I
    undertake to say here, to-night, that in no part of the world, and in no age of
    the world, and by no race in the world, have greater efforts been made for
    human progress and human liberty, than have been made during the last thirty
    years in Old England. [Applause.] Her reformers have achieved the most
    brilliant victories. Among all her brilliant intellects, who have linked their
    names with the great ideas of Progress, no name shines more brightly than the
    name of George Thompson. [Applause.] As an American, lov­ing the good name of
    my native land, jealous of its honor and its fame, I have felt the deepest
    mortification, that in the city of Boston, in old Faneuil Hall, the man who has
    stood up fearlessly in England and supported American principles, and defended
    the American name, should be received by men, calling themselves American
    Democrats, with ridicule and denunciations. [Applause.] His name is
    indissolubly linked with those great measures of reform which have for their
    object the elevation and improvement of the people of England. His voice has
    been raised in behalf of the mil­lions of British India; and for West India
    emancipation,—the noblest act in the annals of British history,— his labors
    were freely given. His labors have been such, since he left our shores fifteen
    years ago, as should have given him, in Faneuil Hall and every where, a warm
    and hearty welcome. [Applause.] And, sir, as an American, loving my country,
    cherishing the great fundamental principles on which its in­stitutions are
    founded, I come here to-night, and give him the same cordial welcome to
    America, that I would extend to the men who have nobly struggled on the lost
    fields where Liberty has been cloven down. [Sensation.] And as he may be called
    upon in a few months to leave us, I trust that when he goes, there will be
    none, at least in Massachusetts, who will censure him for laboring to blot from
    our country the sin and shame of slavery. [Much enthusiasm.]</span></p>
  <br
clear="all" style='page-break-before:always' />
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>[page 36]</span></p>
  <p align="center" style='text-align:center;background:white;
text-autospace:none'><span style='font-size:14.0pt;color:#323232'>APPENDIX.</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     Sir, allusion has been made to-night to the small
    beginnings of the great anti-slavery movement, twenty years ago, when the <i>Liberator </i>was launched upon the tide. These years have been years of devotion and of
    struggles unsur­passed in any age or in any cause. But, notwithstanding the
    treachery of public men, notwithstanding the apostacy for which the year 1850
    was distinguished, I venture to say, that the cause of liberty is spreading
    throughout the whole land, and that the day is not far distant when brilliant
    vic­tories for freedom will be won. We shall arrest the exten­sion of slavery
    and rescue the Government from the grasp of the Slave Power. We shall blot out
    slavery in the Na­tional Capital. We shall surround the slave States with a
    cordon of free States. We shall then appeal to the hearts and consciences of
    men, and in a few years, notwithstanding the immense interests combined in the
    cause of oppression, we shall give liberty to the millions in bondage. [Hear!
    hear!] I trust that many of us will live to see the chain stricken from the limbs
    of the last bondman in the republic! But, sir, whenever that day shall come,
    living or dead, no name connected with the anti-slavery movement will be dearer
    to the enfranchised millions than the name of your guest — William Lloyd
    Garrison. [Prolonged applause.]</span></p>
  <p style='background:white;text-autospace:none'><span
style='color:#323232'>     Such were the sentiments of Henry Wilson in 1851.
    Are they not his sentiments today?</span></p>
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<div id="ftn1">
  <p><a href="#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" title="" id="_ftn1"><span
class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span
style='font-size:12.0pt;font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;'>[1]</span></span></span></a>           <span style='font-size:10.0pt'>This militant antislavery tract was
    published immediately prior to John Brown’s execution in December 1859.  Its
    author, Rev. Henry Clarke Wright (1797-1870), had been associated with
    Garrissonian abolitionism for many years and contributed a column to <i>The
    Liberator</i>.  Faced with the imminent execution of Brown, however, Wright’s
    original pacifism gave way to calls for the violent end of slavery.  In this
    all, Wright joined the rising militancy of the abolitionist movement, endorsed
    by figures such as Emerson, Thoreau, Wendell Phillips, Lysander Spooner, James
    Redpath, and others.  </span></p>
  <p><span style='font-size:10.0pt'>                Wright had
    been one of the leading organizational figures of New England abolitionism for
    many years.  He was active during the 1830s in the American Peace Society and
    later in the New England Non-Resistance Society, and influenced William Lloyd
    Garrison’s belief in pacifism.  See Merle E. Curti, “Non-Resistance in New
    England,” <i>New England Quarterly</i> (1929) 34-57.  Although an ordained
    minister, Wright was vehemently anti-clerical and Frederick Douglass denounced
    him as an “infidel.”  Wright spent 1842-1847 as a lecturer in Europe, and he
    wrote a pacifist text entitled <i>Defensive War Proved to Be a Denial of
    Christianity and of the Government of God </i>(1846).  Not only was Wright
    involved in antislavery and pacifist politics, he was also an early and radical
    advocate of women’s rights, children’s rights, and new roles for men.  </span></p>
  <p><span style='font-size:10.0pt'>                <i>The Natick
    Resolution</i>, one of many tracts Wright published over his lifetime, dates
    from a November 20, 1859, public meeting in the town of Natick, Massachusetts. 
    The meeting resolved “<span style='color:black'>That it is the right and duty
    of the slaves to resist their masters, and the right and duty of the people of
    the North to incite them to resistance, and to aid them in it.”  US senator
    Henry Wilson was in attendance at the meeting and did not object to the
    resolution, on point on which he later defended himself on the US Senate
    floor.  The tract is composed of a series of letters from Wright to John Brown,
    Virginia governor Henry Wise, William Lloyd Garrison, and others.  </span></span></p>
  <p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style='color:black'>                Wright’s
    rhetoric calls for complete resistance, in every form, to the institution of
    slavery.  John Brown symbolizes the heroicism of such resistance.  At one
    point, Wright compares Brown to Christ and finds Brown superior, writing “The
    sin of this nation, as it was asserted in that meeting, is to be taken away,
    not by Christ, but by John Brown. Christ, as represented by those who are
    called by his name, has proved a dead failure, as a power to free the slaves.
    John Brown is and will be a power far more efficient.” (9) <i>The Natick
    Resolution</i> was well-recognized immediately prior to the Civil War as a
    leading document of militant abolitionism.</span></p>
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